Populism and Democracy: Lessons from the United States and Indonesia

The parallels between Trump’s resurgence and historical examples of populism such as Louis Bonaparte’s rise to power provide an interesting perspective. Karl Marx once derided Louis Bonaparte as a “grotesque mediocrity,” an adventurer who hid his flaws behind “Napoleon's iron death mask.” exist The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis BonaparteIn this book, Marx details how social conditions and class struggles paved the way for unlikely figures to rise to power. As Peter Winn-Brown highlights, this dynamic The Second Coming: Part One—The Resurrectionreflecting Trump’s political career and resurgence.

Analysis by Winn-Brown, published in medium on December 2, criticizing Trump’s return while comparing it to global populist trends, including in Indonesia. These comparisons trigger deeper reflections on populist power dynamics and their impact on democratic institutions.

As Winn-Brown puts it, Trump’s appeal lies in his ability to tap into cultural and economic discontent. This narrative of victimhood and resistance to elites reflects trends in Southeast Asia, particularly Indonesia, where populist rhetoric has greatly influenced political movements. Political theorist Cass Mulder describes populism as a response to a “pathological normality” in which democratic institutions fail to address inequality and social alienation.

Indonesia's 2019 presidential election showed similar dynamics. Candidates like Prabowo Subianto use populist appeals to drum up support and focus on nationalist economic policies and criticism of foreign influence. These messages resonate strongly with voters frustrated by economic inequality. The similarities highlight how populism, whether in the United States or Indonesia, thrives by exploiting cultural insecurities and economic frustrations.

As Marx observed in his criticism of Louis Bonaparte's opponents, efforts to delegitimize populist leaders often have unintended consequences. Figures like Victor Hugo and Pierre-Joseph Proudhon tried to belittle Bonaparte, inadvertently elevating his status. Wynn-Brown noted a similar dynamic in modern politics, where attempts to cancel Trump reinforce his narrative as a victim of elite oppression. This underscores the need to develop strategies that address the root causes of populist discontent, rather than focusing solely on individual leaders.

Win-Brown criticized the Democratic Party for failing to connect with working-class voters, a sentiment echoed across Indonesian politics. Progressive candidates in Indonesia often struggle to appeal to rural and economically disadvantaged communities where development remains uneven. Bernie Sanders’s assertion that “Democrats who abandon the working class will find that the working class abandons them” holds true for Indonesian progressives as well. Both countries have demonstrated the need for progressive movements to address economic problems while respecting cultural identities to regain trust.

Chantal Mouffe’s concept of “peer chains” provides guidance for bridging the gap between progressive movements and voters. This approach involves uniting diverse grievances under a common vision, emphasizing unity rather than division. In Indonesia, the Village Fund Program embodies this principle, providing direct funding for development projects in rural areas. These localized policies can meet current needs while promoting long-term engagement and trust in government.

Elizabeth Carter's research on Appalachia, which Winn-Brown cites, emphasizes the importance of local resonance in policymaking. Similarly, successful political movements in Indonesia have emphasized community-based programs such as agricultural revitalization or small business support. These measures address economic disparities and respect local traditions and priorities. By listening to and engaging communities, progressive leaders can rebuild the trust needed for democratic renewal.

Participatory governance offers another way forward. Political scientist Archon Feng advocates models such as participatory budgeting to involve citizens in decision-making. In cities like Surabaya, participatory budgeting has proven effective in enhancing democratic accountability and fostering a sense of ownership among voters. Expanding such measures could help restore confidence in democracy in Indonesia and globally.

Additionally, progressive movements must communicate their policies effectively to resonate with voters across cultural and economic divides. Policies that emphasize inclusion and direct benefits to marginalized groups can act as a unifying force. For example, use projects such as healthcare or infrastructure development as tools to achieve equality and economic empowerment to bridge gaps in understanding and support.

Trump’s political resurgence reflects the fractures in democratic systems around the world, but it also provides an opportunity for reflection and reform. While Wynn-Brown highlights key flaws, it lacks viable solutions. By learning from Indonesia’s experience, progressive movements in the United States and elsewhere can develop policies that address economic inequality, cultural alienation, and political disillusionment.

Localized approaches such as direct funding schemes, community engagement initiatives and participatory governance offer promising tools for rebuilding democratic trust. At the same time, leaders must articulate a clear and inclusive vision that unites diverse communities under the common goal of equality and opportunity. Nancy Fraser’s concept of “progressive populism” as a movement that combines economic justice with cultural inclusion provides a compelling framework for this effort.

Whether in the United States, Indonesia, or elsewhere, populist movements are asking us to rethink the purposes and priorities of democracy. The future of democracy lies not in resisting these changes but in embracing them, building frameworks rooted in unity and shared purpose. Leaders who listen, adapt and act intentionally can redefine democracy for a new era.

The author is a lecturer in international relations at the School of Social and Political Sciences, University Jember.